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Spitzenkandidat is German for lead candidate, and in an EU context refers to a European political party's lead candidate for the European Commission president.
These parties are groupings on a European level, comprised of politically similar parties from different nations.
The parties choose a candidate to be the face of their party, and the potential future European Commission president.
Once the parliament elections have been held, the European party which is able to command a majority governing coalition would likely see its spitzenkandidat likely become the Commission President.
The European Council proposes a candidate for the Presidency, "taking into account the elections to the European Parliament" and under the expectation that the candidate put forward by the party which wins the most seats will be "first to be considered".
However, because she does not belong to any political party, the interim head of government will not be able to stand out with her own, pronounced opinion.
What is making the power struggle for EU top jobs so complicated Five top EU posts need to be distributed soon.
Politics No deal on top jobs or climate neutrality at June summit The June European Council was all about jobs.
Leaders failed to fill the five available positions to lead the EU in the next mandate and to reach an agreement to achieve climate neutrality by , which would lead to the creation of a million jobs, according to a European Commission assessment.
The European Council ended without EU leaders agreeing on who could be the candidate for the next European Commission president. But not all EU leaders are leaving Brussels empty-handed.
Treaty against democracy: Franco-German arm wrestling reflects different political visions The opposition between France and Germany over the appointment of the new European Commission president reflects their radically different political views.
For France, the treaty and the best candidate matter the most, while for Germany, the priority is democracy. The presidents were involved in the major political projects of the day in the s, such as the European Monetary Union.
However, owing to problems such as the oil crisis and the energy crisis , economic hardship reduced the priority of European integration, with only the president trying to keep the idea alive.
The member states had the upper hand, and they created the European Council to discuss topical problems, yet the Council was unable to keep the major projects on track such as the Common Agricultural Policy.
He is seen as the most successful president, being credited with having given the Community a sense of direction and dynamism.
Delors rescued the European Community from the doldrums. He arrived when Europessimism was at its worst.
Although he was a little-known outside France finance minister and former MEP, he breathed life and hope into the EC and into the dispirited Brussels Commission.
In his first term, from to , he rallied Europe to the call of the single market, and when appointed to a second term he began urging Europeans toward the far more ambitious goals of economic, monetary and political union.
But Delors not only turned the Community around, he signalled a change in the Presidency. Before he came to power, the Commission president still was a position of first among equals ; when he left office, he was the undisputed icon and leader of the Community.
His tenure had produced a strong Presidency and a strong Commission as the president became more important. Following treaties cemented this change, with the president being given control over the allocation of portfolios and being able to force the resignation of Commissioners.
However, later Commissions did not enjoy the same support, and in , the European Parliament used its powers to force the Santer Commission to resign.
Historically, the Council appointed the Commission president and the whole body by unanimity without input from Parliament. However, with the Treaty on European Union in , the European Parliament, the body elected directly by the citizens of the European Union,  gained the right to be consulted on the appointment of the president and to veto the Commission as a whole.
Parliament decided to interpret its right to be consulted as a right to veto the president, which the Council reluctantly accepted.
The Treaty of Nice changed the Council's vote from a unanimous choice to one that merely needed a qualified majority.
This meant that the weight of the Parliament in the process increased resulting in a quasi- parliamentary system where one group could be in government.
This became evident when numerous candidates were put forward in , and a centre-right vote won out over left-wing groups, France and Germany.
The Socialists responded by pledging to put forward a rival candidate at future elections. However, in exchange for approval, Parliament forced some concessions from Barroso in terms of Parliamentary representation at Commission and international meetings.
The speech was to be annual. Article 17 of the Treaty on European Union , as amended by the Treaty of Lisbon , lays out the procedure for appointing the president and their team.
The European Council votes by qualified majority for a nominee for the post of President, taking account of the latest European elections.
This proposal is then put before Parliament which must approve or veto the appointment. If an absolute majority of MEPs support the nominee, they are elected.
The president then, together with the Council, puts forward their team to the Parliament to be scrutinised. The Parliament normally insists that each one of them appear before the parliamentary committee that corresponds to their prospective portfolio for a public hearing.
The Parliament then votes on the Commission as a whole; if approved, the European Council, acting by a qualified majority, appoints the president and their team to office.
Qualified majority in the Council has led to more candidates being fielded while there has been greater politicisation due to the involvement of Parliament and the change of policy direction in the EU from the creation of the single market to reform of it.
During the appointment of Santer, discussions were kept in camera private , with the media relying on insider leaks.
MEPs were angry with the process, against the spirit of consultation that the new EU treaty brought in. Pauline Green MEP, leader of the Socialist group , stated that her group thought "Parliament should refuse to condone a practice which so sullies the democratic process".
The candidate selected by the Council has often been a leading national politician, but this is not a requirement. Further criteria seen to be influencing the choice of the Council include: which area of Europe the candidate comes from, favoured as Southern Europe in ; the candidate's political influence, credible yet not overpowering members; language, proficiency in French considered necessary by France; and degree of integration, their state being a member of both the eurozone and the Schengen Agreement.
There has been an assumption [ by whom? However, despite these assumptions, these presidents have usually been chosen during political battles and coalition-building.
Delors was chosen following a Franco-British disagreement over Claude Cheysson , Santer was a compromise after Britain vetoed Jean-Luc Dehaene , and Prodi was backed by a coalition of thirteen states against the Franco-German preference for Guy Verhofstadt.
In February , President Barroso admitted that despite the president having in theory as much legitimacy as heads of governments, in practice it was not the case.
The low voter turnout creates a problem for the president's legitimacy, with the lack of a "European political sphere", but analysts claim that if citizens were voting for a list of candidates for the post of President, turn out would be much higher than that seen in recent years.
Under the Treaty of Lisbon the European Council has to take into account the results of the latest European elections and, furthermore, the Parliament elects, rather than simply approve, the Council's proposed candidate.
This was taken as the parliament's cue to have its parties run with candidates for the president of the Commission with the candidate of the winning party being proposed by the Council.
However, at that time only a minor party had run with a specific candidate: the then fourth-placed European Green Party , which had the first true pan-European political party with a common campaign,  put forward Daniel Cohn-Bendit and lost even its fourth place in the following election, becoming only the fifth-largest group in and diminishing its candidate's chances further.
There have been plans to strengthen the European political parties  for them to propose candidates for future elections.
The Socialists, disappointed at the election, agreed to put forward a candidate for Commission President at all subsequent elections. The Spitzenkandidat German for 'lead candidate' process is the method of linking European Parliament elections by having each major political group in Parliament nominating their candidate for Commission President prior to the Parliamentary elections.
The Spitzenkandidat of the largest party would then have a mandate to assume the Commission Presidency. This process was first run in , and its legitimacy was contested by the Council.
According to the treaties, the president of the European Commission is nominated by the European Council.
Until , this nomination was based on an informal consensus for a common candidate. However, in the centre-right EPP rejected the consensus approach ahead of the European Council meeting, and pushed through its own candidate, Barroso.
This also led to fairly low-profile figures in some cases, for it avoided candidates who had either made enemies of some national governments or who were seen as potentially challenging the Council or certain member states.
Unease had built up around the secretive power play that was involved in these appointments, leading to a desire for a more democratic process.
Taking into account the elections to the European Parliament and after having held the appropriate consultations, the European Council, acting by a qualified majority, shall propose to the European Parliament a candidate for President of the Commission.
In , in preparation for the European election of , Martin Schulz , then President of the European Parliament campaigned for European political parties to name lead candidates for the post of President of the European Commission; his own party group, the centre-left Party of European Socialists named Schulz as its lead candidate German: Spitzenkandidat.
The Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists did not name a candidate, objecting to the principle of Spitzenkandidaten and its "tenuous" basis in law.
Some commentators argued that this amendment did not entitle the political parties of the Parliament to nominate candidates for the president of the Commission, and that such an interpretation would amount to a "power grab" at the expense of the European Council.
Following the appointment, leaders vowed to review the process. On the other hand, it has also been argued that it is still insufficiently democratic and needs to be replaced with a more direct system.
The president is elected for a renewable five-year term starting five months after the elections to the European Parliament.
These were brought into alignment via the Maastricht Treaty prior to which the Commission had a four-year term of office and the elections take place in June every five years in years ending in 4 and 9.
The president and his Commission may be removed from office by a vote of censure from Parliament.
Parliament has never done this to date, however the imminence of such a vote in , due to allegations of financial mismanagement, led to the Santer Commission resigning on its own accord, before the Parliamentary vote.
The president of the European Commission is the most powerful position in the European Union,  controlling the Commission which collectively has the right of initiative on Union legislation only on matters delegated to it by member states for collective action, as determined by the treaties and is responsible for ensuring its enforcement.
The role of the president is to lead the Commission, and give direction to the Commission and the Union as a whole. The treaties state that "the Commission shall work under the political guidance of its president" Article TEC , this is conducted through their calling and chairing of meetings of the college of Commissioners,  their personal cabinet and the meetings of the heads of each commissioner's cabinet the Hebdo.
The president also has responsibility for representing the Commission in the Union and beyond. For example, they are a member of the European Council and takes part in debates in Parliament and the Council of Ministers.
Outside the Union they attend the meetings of the G8 to represent the Union. The presidential system had started to develop since Jacques Delors and has since been cemented.
However, externally they are still dependent on support from the Council and Parliament. Delors had enjoyed the Parliament's and the Council's support for his whole term, during which, through treaty changes, the Parliament increased in powers and, through the accession of new Member States, the Council increased in membership.
The membership is now so large the president is increasingly unable to garner the support of all the states, even though the job is supposed to try to keep everyone happy.
The Parliament now has more powers over the Commission and can reject its proposals, although the Commission has little power over Parliament, such as the ability to dissolve it to call new elections.
The president's office is on the top, 13th, floor of the Berlaymont building in Brussels. The president receives their political guidance from their cabinet , the head of which acts as a political bodyguard for the president.
Such factors can lead to an isolation of the president from outside events. The former has the power to strike down proposals on legal technicalities while the latter organises meetings, agendas and minutes.
The president's control over these areas gives them further political tools when directing the work of the Commission.
This has also increased the presidential style of the Commission president. With the reorganisation of leading EU posts under the Lisbon Treaty , there was some criticism of each post's vague responsibilities.
Ukrainian ambassador to the EU Andriy Veselovsky praised the framework and clarified it in his own terms: The Commission president speaks as the EU's "government" while the president of the European Council is a "strategist".
The High Representative specialises in "bilateral relations" while the European Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighbourhood Policy deals in technical matters such as the free trade agreement with Ukraine.
The president of the European Parliament meanwhile articulates the EU's values. The MEP and author of several EU text books Richard Corbett has suggested that, instead of every EU institution having a "president", it would have been clearer if they had been named differently, with a "Speaker" of the Parliament, a "Governor" of the Central Bank, a "Chairman" of the ordinary Council of Ministers, a "president" of the European Council, and a "Prime Commissioner".
Despite the recent presidential style, the president has also begun to lose ground to the larger member states as countries such as France, Italy, the UK and Germany seek to sideline its role.
This may increase with the recent creation of the permanent president of the European Council. Some clarifications see Van Rompuy as the "strategist" and Barroso as a head of government.
In terms of economic planning Van Rompuy saw the Commission as dealing with the content of the plan and the European Council as dealing with the means and implementing it.
Despite weekly breakfasts together there was a certain extent of rivalry between the two, as well as with the High Representative.
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